Which Way With
Russia?
An Imaginary Campaign
Debate
President Putin took “the high road” in response
to President Obama’s new sanctions, saying he would not respond in kind and
that he’s waiting for President Trump to try to improve Russian-US relations.
Is that a ploy or might there be a possibility for better relations? While
currently there is public debate about US intelligence reports on Russian cyber
attacks on our election, during the entire election campaign, there never was a
serious policy debate about the issues facing our two countries. So, here’s an
imaginary one with timely, tough questions by a journalist seriously interested
in informing us, rather than simply entertaining us. Sometimes, we learn more
and our thinking is challenged more by a serious journalist’s questions than
from any candidate’s answers. Instead of
using actual names of candidates, I’m naming them “Way Out” and “Old Way,” and
using the initials “S.J.” to represent the serious journalist.
S.J.: WELCOME to tonight’s debate on
relations between the United States and Russia. Welcome “Old Way” and welcome
“Way Out.” Please, just call me “SJ.” To begin, I invite each of you to make a
brief opening statement. Way Out, you go first.
Way Out: Very briefly, I would ask all
Americans the question, wouldn’t it be a good thing if we had friendly relations
with Russia? I’ve had a lot of experience doing business with the Russians,
and, after all, Vladimir Putin is a smart guy and I’m a smart guy, so why can’t
we get along. That would be SOO Good.
Old Way: That’s nice, Way Out, but SOO
naive. Russia’s goals and methods, and our goals and methods are very
different. Putin wants to keep regimes in power or put regimes in power that
serve Russia’s interests, and, as we’ve witnessed in Syria and Ukraine, he’s willing
to lie and use military power to accomplish his goals. Our goal is to support democracy.
Realistically, I do believe, sometimes, we need to use military force to defend
or advance democracy.
S.J.: Well, I suppose it’s not
surprising, in limiting you to brief statements, that both your statements
sound sort of simplistic. Let’s dive deeper into the key issues between our countries,
starting with Syria and Ukraine. In Syria,
failed Russian-US diplomatic cooperation has compounded the catastrophic civil
war and led to a doubling of the number of Syrian deaths and refugees in the
last three years.
I imagine from what
you’ve said Way Out that you think the US should cooperate with Russia in Syria
and, maybe even after events in Aleppo, should still cooperate against our
common enemy, ISIS. Do you think US support for regime change in Syria was a mistake?
Way Out: Yes, that’s right. I think
Obama’s policy in Syria was stupid, SOO stupid, and pushing for regime change
in Syria was stupid. Just like in Iraq and Libya, It was not only stupid, it
was a DISASTER.
S.J.: I know, Old Way, you supported the goal of
getting rid of President Assad in Syria. I want to ask you about a missed opportunity early in 2014,
when the numbers of Syrian deaths and refugees were half what they are today. After
months of diplomacy by highly respected UN special envoys, the UN Secretary
General issued invitations to all the countries involved in the conflict,
including Iran, to attend a conference to negotiate an end of the war and a
political transition process. The conference never happened, in part because
the US absolutely rejected Iran’s participation and insisted that Assad’s
ouster had to be a goal of the conference. Looking back, do you think the US
was right and realistic in taking these positions?
Old Way: Yes, I do. Getting Assad out
was an essential US priority and inviting Iran to participate in the conference
was a big mistake. As an alternative, I was urging President Obama to use
limited US air power against Assad’s forces, including creating “no fly zones,”
to protect civilians and support the democratic opposition.
S.J.: As I’m sure you are aware, what
you advocated carried some serious risks. Several military experts argued at
the time that US airstrikes on Syria, defended by Russian radar and missiles,
would run the risk of US pilots being killed or captured and risk major
escalation of the war, including direct military confrontation between the US
and Russia.. Way Out, what is your view of the UN’s diplomatic efforts in Syria?
Way Out: The UN is a kind of club where
members talk a lot, it costs us a whole lot of money, and it never accomplishes
anything. The idea of inviting the rogue, terrorist state of Iran to help end
the war in Syria was crazy – almost as stupid and crazy as the Iran nuclear deal that was negotiated
by Obama. That’s the worst deal ever. As President, one of the first things
I’ll do is cancel that deal.
S.J.: So you would cancel the Iran
nuclear deal even though the deal delays Iran’s capacity to develop nuclear
weapons for at least ten years and despite the fact that independent
verification to date confirms that Iran has fulfilled all of its obligations
under the agreement.
Way Out: You can count on it. I will
cancel the Iran deal.
S.J.: Now, turning to Ukraine, was the US right in supporting the popular uprising
against the corrupt, Russian-allied government in Kiev? As a result, things
have gotten quite complicated, including formation of a new, very corrupt
Western-oriented coalition government in Kiev. In response to the toppling of
its ally, Russia took control of Crimea and is exerting effective
military-political influence in Eastern Ukraine. And there’s a lot of
nervousness in the Balkans and other former Soviet republics. What should the
US do – Way Out?
Way Out: We should have stayed out of
this mess. Russia’s not going to take
over other countries. I know Putin and he’s too smart a guy for that.
Old Way: I disagree. I think it’s very
important that the US actively and strongly support the new democratic
government in Kiev and, along with our NATO allies, stand up against aggressive
moves by Russia.
S.J.: The Minsk Ceasefire Agreement in Ukraine is
complicated and pretty shaky. It calls for confirming Ukraine’s sovereignty,
but provides a degree of autonomy for the eastern provinces where Russian
influence is strong. According to the non-profit International Crisis Group, a
key factor in 2017 will be challenging corruption in the Kiev government. Conditioning
US aid could certainly help meet that challenge.
Your responses about Ukraine so far lead me to
ask each of you about your view of NATO
today. To put my question in historical context, I would remind all of us that
after the collapse of the Soviet Union, NATO expanded eastward, taking in
countries formerly part of the Soviet Union. With several of these countries
right on its border, Russia viewed this development as aggressive and
threatening. After its ally was toppled in Kiev, Russia feared that Ukraine,
which hosts a homeport for a Russian naval base, would be the next country to
join NATO. So, what are your views of NATO?
Way Out: Old Way has accused me of wanting to pull the
US out of NATO. That’s another big lie. I do know that NATO is costing our country a
fortune and that’s not fair. Just like what I will do on trade deals, as
President, I’ll be tough and insist that other member countries of NATO pay
their fair share of the costs.
Old Way: I believe we were right to encourage and
support NATO’s expansion and right to support the uprising in Ukraine. NATO continues
to be essential to our national security and the security of Europe, even more so
now with Putin reasserting Russian influence and power. Given changes in the
global context I also believe NATO needs to be modernized.
S.J.: There’s not time now to go deeper into this,
but I would simply comment that when the Soviet Union collapsed, expanding NATO,
rather than disbanding it or revising its mission, seemed to be missing an
opportunity to start a new, more positive relationship with Russia. President
Putin has suggested the possibility of a positive relationship. That certainly
is worth exploring, but it’s complicated and risky too.
We need to turn now
to one other very urgent topic in US -Russia relations that is the issue of nuclear weapons and the threat of a new nuclear arms race. When Barack Obama became President in 2009, he
declared US commitment to work for “a world without nuclear weapons.” While the
Iran nuclear deal is viewed by many as a singular achievement, as Obama leaves
office, it’s not clear the world is any closer to the goal of eliminating
nuclear weapons. What is your evaluation of President Obama’s record on this
issue, including his consideration of committing the US to “no first use” of
nuclear weapons?
Way Out: Like I said, the Iran nuclear deal is the
worst deal ever and, as soon as I’m President, I will cancel it. On the issue
of “first use” of nuclear weapons, of course, I don’t want to be the first to
strike with nuclear weapons, but we’ve got to keep all our options on the
table.
Old Way: I'm very pleased we got that nuclear agreement with Iran.
It puts a lid on their nuclear weapons program, but we have to enforce it,
there must be consequences attached to it. And that’s not our only problem with
Iran. We have to figure out how to deal with Iran as the principal state
sponsor of terrorism in the world. Of
course, I support the goal of getting to zero nuclear weapons, but now may not
be the time to debate about the option of “first use.” More important right
now, we have to make sure we don’t turn over control of our nuclear weapons to
someone with Way Out’s temperament.
S.J.: On May 4, 2016, the Union of Concerned
Scientists, the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops and two national
associations of evangelicals called on President Obama to cancel plans to
develop a new generation of nuclear weapons, including smaller, faster,
deadlier weapons, many experts fear may make using nuclear weapons more
thinkable. It’s estimated that the program will cost the US a trillion dollars
over ten years. The religious leaders urged Obama to challenge Russia (and
China) to reciprocate. What’s your view about this new nuclear arms race?
Way Out: The United States must greatly
strengthen and expand its nuclear capability until such time as the world comes
to its senses about nukes. (At the same
time, Russian President Vladimir Putin told an audience, “We need to strengthen
the military potential of strategic nuclear forces.”) Way
Out: Let have an arms race. We will outmatch them at
every pass and outlast them all.
Old Way: About having a new arms race and spending a trillion dollars
to build a whole new generation of nuclear weapons, I’ve heard about that. I’m going to look
into that.
S.J.: Thank you for
participating in this debate. Which way US-Russian relations go in the next few
years will have a big influence on which way the world goes, i.e. toward
greater inequality, more terrorism and violent conflict or toward more global cooperation,
creative diplomacy and larger scale effective efforts to address climate change,
poverty, and the elimination of nuclear and all weapons of mass destruction.
Order Ron Young’s memoir, Crossing
Boundaries in the Americas, Vietnam and the Middle East. $25, plus $3 postage.
Contact Ron at ronyoungwa@gmail.com
Thank you Ron. This is a thoughtful effort to look in a more clear-headed way at the differences between Trump and Clinton. As a strong Clinton suporter, I nevertheless had major concerns about some off her military and foreign policy "tendencies."
ReplyDeleteRon--- You've nicely distilled to their essence Trump's and HRC's temperaments and their positions on a number of critical foreign policy issues all of which are connected to Russia in some way. This piece reflects my fears of Trump's temperament and HRC's hawkish policies. It also reminds me of the failures of the Obama/Clinton/Kerry middling approach to Syria, not that I see clearly what other possibly viable alternatives they really had. Finally, I commend you for (somewhat subtly) providing the reader with a possible way of understanding the feelings (fears) of the Russians when, after the fall of the iron curtain, NATO expanded right up to its borders and as the US has continued to support pro-Western/anti-Russian governments in Ukraine, the Baltics and other neighboring regions.
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